Products for the Sensitive Guy Demographic

THE HALAL MARKET IN TURKEY 

The prominently secular facade of the Turkish marketplace significantly changed with the proliferation of faith-based offerings such as Islamic media, movies, music, novels, toys, swim suits, resorts, beauty shops, and cafes in the 1990s. The scope of offerings is telling: the debut of Islamized versions of existing products reflects the heated culture war between the pro-secular Muslims and the Islamists. As Navaro-Yashin (2002, p. 223) notes, "As Islamists came to forge identities in distinction from secularists, they radically changed the sorts of things they bought and sold. They wore different clothes, ate only certain kinds of food, frequented particular shops, started special businesses of their own. The rise of the Islamist movement in popularity and power is indissoluble from the development of specialized businesses for 'Islamic goods' and the formation of market networks for believers." Indeed, the rise of the halal market is inseparable from the surge of shift of pro-Islamist parties to power and the integration of Islamic capital—that is, the accumulations of the conservative businessmen—into the post-1980s economy. Following the military coup in 1983, Turkey has witnessed a major shift from a state-controlled to a liberal market economy during the Özal administration. The market augmenting of the Ozal years changed the etatist trajectory of the state not only by considerably limiting the role of government in the economy, but, most importantly, incorporating the previously excluded groups of conservative businessmen and religious sects into the national economic landscape. For example, the interest-free banking law of 1983 was instrumental in enticing the Islamic bourgeoisie to turn significant amounts of under-the-pillow savings into investments. These investments, in turn, promoted the growth of Islamic businesses, particularly newspapers and TV stations, which allowed Islamic groups to annunciate a visible identity and strengthen their solidarity (Demir et al., 2004). Paralleling the economic visibility of Islamic bourgeoisie was its rising political influence. As pro-Islamic parties successively came to power, they awarded Islamic businesses with contracts. Backed by such governmental support and remittances of Turkish guest workers living abroad, this new breed of conservative entrepreneurs, also known as Anatolian Tigers, established many Islamic enterprises, noticeably expanding their economic and political influence in Turkish society. 
Many of these Anatolian tigers are the backbones of the halal movement in Turkey. They play a fundamental role in the formation of the halal industry by both championing the demand for halal products and supplying the market with Islamic goods. The public face of the halal movement is GIMDES, which states its mission as "verifying that the halal qualifications, hygiene standards, and the nutrition value of foodstuff, cleaning agents, cosmetic products and pharmaceuticals are according to Islamic norms, issuing halal certification to the same, and exposing society's need and demand for 'halal food', 'righteous wealth', and 'healthy living' to the public" (gimdes.org)." With this mission in mind, the organization has joined the halal network of key international institutions such as World Halal Council and World Halal Forum, receiving accreditation from fellow member organizations (e.g., JAKIM of Malaysia). Currently, GIMDES oversees the halal certification process, performs audits of manufacturing facilities, and trains halal certifiers.  GIMDES also seeks to increase public awareness by organizing annual conferences and halal expos, publishing a bi-monthly magazine, maintaining, and informative website, and offering resources to help consumers lead a halal lifestyle.

GIMDES is a noteworthy example to the Islamist activists’ space-making for and discursive formation of a new market within a prominently secular marketplace with little halal consciousness. Similar to the other grassroots organizations leading contemporary movements (e.g., organic, fair-trade), GIMDES is primarily interested in creating halal awareness, distinguishing halal from other market offerings, and positioning it vis-à-vis the global and local socio-historical contexts. A narrative analysis of GIMDES literature reveals that modernity, industrialization, and capitalism are the key ideological resources that the halal movement appropriates in framing its agenda. On the one hand, the movement defines itself as a counterforce to Western modernization, and, on the other hand, it strongly relies on scientific studies and modern marketing techniques to legitimize and commercialize the halal concept. The following offers an analysis of how halal advocates selectively adopt the key tenets of modernism to forge the halal movement in Turkey. 

Contesting Modernity: Historicizing Halal as a Cure to Modernist Ills 

GIMDES accounts construe the halal movement as a countervailing force to social and economic problems posed by Western modernity. Underlying this countermodernist stance is the perception that Western individualism and the capitalist motives of modern markets have undermined the solidarity of umma, the Muslim community. According to GIMDES narratives, thanks to the strict observance of halal, Muslims have ruled over the world and have led a pristine life marked by benevolence and solidarity for centuries. This romanticized order is believed to have come to an end, however, when Western culture started infiltrating the Turkish society. In halal proponents’ narratives, the West is constructed as a “bandit” who forcefully enters the immaculate realm of Islam and cunningly introduces habit-forming non-halal products with deceiving marketing techniques in order to transmute Islamic lifestyles. The following excerpt from GIMDES’s Food Report demonstrates this view:

Western bandits raided our house, going into every corner and scattering everything we owned. What we’ve left is an umma scattered like loose prayer beads. . . . In return for the lifestyle we’ve lost, what we’ve been left with is an alien, intoxicating, supposedly modern lifestyle that’s imposed upon us . . . until recently Muslims could easily know what is halal and haram but now we’re faced with products that are new to us like Coca Cola, chips, marshmallow, and mayonnaise. . . . We have to question these products. It’s become evident that they’re harmful to both our health and our soul. 

The characterization of Western countries as “bandits” finds an equally interesting match in halal narratives’ portrayal of industrialization and capitalism. In historicizing halal and justifying its revitalization, halal advocates frequently construe the Western modes of production as evil, jeopardizing human health and overrating capitalist motives at the expense of moral principles. This demonization is evident in elaborate, scary-tale descriptions of factories as alienating places with “giant boilers, extractors, and gears” that have replaced “our homespun” methods with soulless processes and “dubious” ingredients. This repelling image is further reinforced by claims that large corporations driven by capitalist motives use inconceivable ingredients such as “lice, blood, human hair, hog bristle” (Büyüközer, 2007, pp. 10‒18) in their products, which are then marketed in appealing packages for Muslims’ consumption.
The concern over the growing use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in the agro-business, in particular, has fueled the halal debate, allowing GIMDES to dramatize the consequences of making non-halal choices. Progressive approaches in food biotechnology such as GM crops are perceived as the reflections of the greedy and imperialist agendas of multinationals who are seeking to play God. In appealing to the ‘conscious Muslim,’ GIMDES narratives criticize the public for remaining blissfully ignorant against the threat posed by Western producers, who are said to “transmute our foods.” 

The industrial movement, which has been rapidly growing under the control of the infidels, laid its hands on our food. It has significantly transmuted the contents of our food. . . . What should a Muslim do? Should he wake up and break free from this system or should he continue to sleep?

The monstrous consequences of “continu(ing) to sleep” are illustrated in elaborate conspiracy theories, which suggest that Western powers use GMOs to change Muslim consumers’ DNA structure and, thereby, manipulate them. The following quote from an article discussing the dangers of GMOs illustrates an interesting take on these conspiracy theories:

How do they [the capitalist powers] control our DNA in order to shape our society as they wish? . . . thanks to a game that is played on our genes. . . . They analyze the blood samples taken from our people and then develop viruses that would mislead our DNA. And then, they sell these viruses to us. How? Through the British chips, French-Jew’s patented yoghurt, and the German gummy bears that have sneaked into the farthest corners of our streets.

Halal proponents’ decided skepticism toward Western modernity tempts them to create sci-fi scenarios that would suggest that non-halal goods are intended to overtake Muslims’ body and soul, rendering them submissive to imperial motives. The pervasive suspicion that is embodied in GIMDES narratives regarding Western modernization naturally spills over to pro-secular elites and the Westernization project in Turkey. Halal proponents argue that the modernization efforts, which most noticeably began in 1923 with Kemalist reforms and the abolishment of the Islamic Empire, not only introduced foreign ways and ideologies, but also aimed to expunge the Muslim identity and their halal sensitivity.

For many orthodox Muslims, the secularizing reforms like the abolishment of the caliphate, the closing down of religious shrines, and the replacement of the Islamic canon law with the Swiss code marked a significant shift from an Islamic state and signaled the end of Islamic civilization. Changes like replacing the Arabic alphabet—the holy language of Islam— with Latin in instruction, when coupled with the annihilation of polygamy and enforcement of civil marriages, deeply touched the daily life of the population. Seen through this socio-historical lens, the republican era secularization efforts represent a break from Islamic traditions and practices, significantly diminishing the prevalent halal consciousness during the Ottoman times.
Today, this lost halal consciousness is associated with a wide range of contemporary problems, from the dissolution of communal ties to the increasing cancer rates that seemingly represent Muslims’ fall from grace. Consider the following quote:

As a society we witnessed a period in which we were suddenly thrown out of power. Western culture was rammed down our throat. Sadly, today we’re faced with an alien lifestyle . . . our people have problems, particularly, with the foodstuff that represents the fabric of our life. The essence of these problems is the frustrations with the foreign substances that don’t belong to our culture and don’t fit with our norms. . . . We’re also confronted by a series of health problems. In the past, coronary problems or hypertension weren’t at a concerning level, but today millions of people are diagnosed with these problems and even more with cancer. When we evaluate these problems, we have to consider the issues of halal-haram. The halal certification matter didn’t come out of the blue; there is a reason why it became an issue worldwide.

As the above excerpt demonstrates, an eroding halal consciousness is blamed for the rise in modern-age problems, and, by the same token, halal consumption is positioned as the cure for these modern ills. In situating halal choices as the solution to modern ailments, GIMDES narratives construct the secular mindset and the social structures as the most important impediments against the movement. The secular mindset, like its Western counterpart, is said to be motivated by capitalist anxieties rather than moral responsibilities, thereby tempting manufacturers to cut corners and use Islamically unacceptable ingredients. The secular regime is also criticized for leaving the halal movement short-handed of the necessary talent and expertise to rule over on halal matters. It is argued that the regime has not only eradicated Islamic jurisdiction by replacing the independent fatwa (religious decree) institution with a state-controlled one, but also jeopardized the future of the movement by failing to produce Islamic scholars via its secular education system.

Since issues of halal and haram relate to Islamic jurisdiction, these decisions are to be made by Islamic scholars. However, our religious scholars lack knowledge of technology. On the other hand, the people who have pursued scientific studies lack the basic knowledge of Islamic norms and canon law because the utterly secular education system deprives individuals of the basic religious teachings. . . . Following the collapse of Ottoman empire, the powers that sought to extinguish religion tried to annihilate the fatwa institution, the heart of Muslim life. During that period, the Islamic scholars were massacred and executed. They were to be replaced by a new generation of scholars programmed to suit their [secular] regime.

As these narratives demonstrate, halal proponents justify the emergence of the halal movement and discursively construct the need for halal certification vis-à-vis two ideological rivals: Western modernity and the Westernization project in Turkey. Accordingly, adopting modern practices and secularism have swayed Turkish people away from their ‘true path,’ the ordained halal lifestyle. Having lost their halal consciousness, Muslims have fallen from grace as evident in the declining communal affection and increasing rates of diseases in Turkish society. As such, GIMDES discursively forges its quest for halal as a cure to modern ills.

—Elif Izberk-Bilgin, "Theology Meets the Marketplace: The Discursive Formation of the Halal Market in Turkey," in Consumption and Spirituality, eds. Diego Rinallo, Linda Scott, Pauline Maclaran